EU-Russia relations – junkgenie.info
Making the EU's health systems fit for the 21st century. BY Guy Kerpen, vice president, head of European Affairs Office. How Europe can speed up the transition. French President Emmanuel Macron urged the European Union on Thursday to modernize its post-Cold War ties with Russia and pursue. Oscillating between conflict and cooperation, the EU-Russia relations are of strategic importance in key policy areas such as European.
I am concerned that Gazprom is breaking EU antitrust rules by abusing its dominant position on EU gas markets. Russia subsequently began a military intervention in Ukraine. This action was condemned as an invasion by the European Union, which imposed visa bans and asset freezes against some Russian officials. It has criticised their admission and frequently said that NATO is "moving its infrastructure closer to the Russian border". Unlike in the Cold War, when Soviets largely supported leftist groups, a fluid approach to ideology now allows the Kremlin to simultaneously back far-left and far-right movements, greens, anti-globalists and financial elites.
It's time for realism in EU-Russia ties: France's Macron | Reuters
The aim is to exacerbate divides and create an echo chamber of Kremlin support. In the Europarliamentthe European United Left—Nordic Green Left are described as "reliable partner" of Russian politics, voting against resolutions condemning events such as Russia's military intervention in Ukraine, and supporting Russian policies e. Reviewing votes in the EU Parliament on resolutions critical of Russia or measures not in the Kremlin's interests e.
Russian officials have on numerous occasions warned Europe that fracking "poses a huge environmental problem" in spite of Gazprom itself being involved in shale gas surveys in Romania and not facing any protests and reacted aggressively to any criticism by environmental organisations. Travelling through Moscow, they were met by a "government official" and sent to Donetsk, where they saw French and other foreign fighters, "half of them communists, half Nazis".
Instead, Russia is back as a revisionist power pursuing a 19th-century agenda with 21st-century tactics and methods. Economic ties with Russia, but also the geopolitical risks Moscow poses, splits Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovenia internally.
Member States that have stronger economic and political ties with Russia and oppose the prolongation of sanctions are Italy, Hungary, Austria, Greece and Cyprus. A last group of Member states is formed by countries less economically connected to and geographically more distant from Russia, comprising Malta, Ireland, Luxembourg and Belgium.
Some developments would suggest so. Austria and the Czech Republic have in the past year seen electoral successes of right-wing parties more strongly connected to Russia. In the more critical Member States such as Hungary, the sanctions are increasingly considered ineffective while at the same time economically harming the EU itself given the countermeasures from Russia. The broader impact of EU sanctions has been to contribute to curb the war in the Donbass and prevent Russia from escalating the conflict further.
It should thereby signal in the run-up to a UN Security Council decision that the installment of a comprehensive UN peacekeeping mission in the Donbass would be the best way forward to achieve such progress.
EU-Russia Relations from a Russian Point of View
Value diffusion and state-building in the neighbourhood The current low-point in EU-Russia relations has strong implications for the EU approach towards its Eastern Neighbourhood. Although entrenched in the treaties as a policy framework aimed at spreading European norms and values, the failure in the past years to achieve the objectives of the consolidation of democracy and elimination of endemic corruption has forced the EU to take a more classic and pragmatic foreign-policy approach.
Norm spreading in the fields of good governance and the Rule of Law, through working with ENP-country governing elites, faces harsh realities.
This all led to confrontation on issues ranging from basics of democratic rule and principles of governance, separation of powers, human rights and freedoms to the approach toward the resolution of almost all major international crises.
Many contemporary politicians and commentators in Moscow tend to ignore the fact that due to the influx of European technological prowess in the eighth century Russia has become a powerful empire with considerable military might and diplomatic clout only as a result of swift Westernisation under Peter the Great without whom it would have evolved into a semi-colony like the ancient China. It is thus that it has become a major player in the European affairs.
Ever since the 14th century, European written sources contained statements mentioning the dream for a united Europe.
The quest for this only heightened after two World Wars with their terrible scourge. It has proved that not only sovereign states can find satisfactory peaceful solutions to long-term disputes which had previously led to devastating conflicts, but also how they can explore opportunities through mutually beneficial cooperation rather than traditional competition.
Moscow regarded this with great and ever-growing suspicion as the consolidation of opposing economic and military potentials and a kind of springboard for its archrival the USA. Then and now Moscow made fun of the EU as a stooge and protectorate of the USA, an entity whose foreign policy and even economy are controlled from the other shore of the Atlantic.
Then and now the Russian strategy was to unravel European integration, to confront it with its own integration projects and tear off Europe from the US command and cooperation. In this vein, Moscow had a stake in those European forces that argued for a constructive, respectful dialogue with Moscow. However, today, after the relations have soured so much, it is clear that Moscow and Brussels are to formulate and promote a new pattern of interaction having in mind how closely they are connected historically, economically and politically.
Officially Moscow is pleading for reviving an equitable partnership and an even-handed cooperation between the EU and the Russia-dominated alliances and groupings. This could be a hard task in the ambiance of a new self-assertive and stronger Russia and with the EU becoming more politicised and tumultuous, as both sides are turning into rather rigid, inflexible negotiating partners.
It stresses the need for a stronger Europe, especially now, in the aftermath of the UK referendum on EU membership. However, the goal of enhancing ties and dialogue with Brussels, even in times of crisis and rising divergences is evident to many Russian experts and politicians.EU showed Russia its place by adopting 5 principles of further EU-Russia relations.
That does not mean, of course, that Moscow will stop to exploit the growing weakness of European institutions: All this could lead either to a kind of catharsis like the Chinese see any crisis as a source for new opportunities or to an imminent overall debacle. The economic crisis that started in has not yet ended. Russian experts like to stress that almost no strictly political action plans since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty have proven very successful. The common line in such analysis is that the EU is now divided at least in three groups: They emphasise that European unity is in crisis, and it remains unclear whether the EU can recover its overall effectiveness and its ability to promote the development of each Member State.
The necessity of Russia-EU cooperation However, the current turn of tide in European integration is not a sign of death. Germany will continue to pursue its long-time policy of EU consolidation trying to bring the integration process to its final stage. Also, many states are actually economically dependent on or benefit from Brussels.
Still Russia is working hard to show it is reorienting eastwards; its trade with China in for the first time prevailing over the one with Germany.